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America’s gifted education programs have a race problem. Can it be fixed?

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This article about gifted education was produced in partnership with The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. This is part 1 of the series “Gifted Education’s Race Problem.”

BUFFALO, N.Y. — On a crisp day in early March, two elementary school gifted and talented classes worked on activities in two schools, 3 miles and a world apart.

In airy PS 64 Frederick Law Olmsted, in affluent, white north Buffalo, 22 would-be Arctic explorers wrestled with how to build a shelter if their team leader had frostbite and snow blindness. Unusually for Buffalo’s public schools — where 20 percent of students are white and 46 percent are Black — about half of the fourth grade class was white.

In PS 61 Arthur O. Eve, on the city’s majority-Black East Side, 13 first graders, all of them Black, Latino or Asian American, folded paper airplanes in their basement classroom as part of an aerodynamics and problem-solving lesson. Unlike at Olmsted, the highest-scoring elementary school in the city, students at Eve scored around the dismal city average in math and English in 2019, when fewer than a quarter of students passed state tests.

The gifted program at Eve opened two years ago as a way to increase access to Buffalo’s disproportionately white, in-demand gifted and talented programs. Buffalo educators hoped Eve’s new program would give more children — particularly children of color — a chance at enrichment and advanced learning.

Yet two years in, Eve’s gifted classes are under-enrolled, while Olmsted always runs out of room — last year, more than 400 children applied for 65 gifted spots. And even though the district made it easier to apply for gifted classes, Olmsted gifted classrooms still don’t look like the rest of the district. White families

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Explainer: The Electoral College and the 2020 U.S. presidential race

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(Reuters) – In the United States, the winner of a presidential election is determined not by a national vote but through a system called the Electoral College, which allots “electoral votes” to all 50 states and the District of Columbia based on their population.

FILE PHOTO: North Carolina Electoral College representatives sign the Certificates of Vote in the State Capitol building in Raleigh, North Carolina, U.S., December 19, 2016. REUTERS/Jonathan Drake/File Photo

Complicating things further, a web of laws and constitutional provisions kick in to resolve particularly close elections.

Here are some of the rules that could decide the Nov. 3 contest between President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden.

How does the Electoral College work?

There are 538 electoral votes, meaning 270 are needed to win the election. In 2016, President Donald Trump lost the national popular vote to Hillary Clinton but secured 304 electoral votes to her 227.

Technically, Americans cast votes for electors, not the candidates themselves. Electors are typically party loyalists who pledge to support the candidate who gets the most votes in their state. Each elector represents one vote in the Electoral College.

The Electoral College was a compromise between the nation’s founders, who fiercely debated whether the president should be picked by Congress or through a popular vote.

All but two states use a winner-take-all approach: The candidate that wins the most votes in that state gets all of its electoral votes. Maine and Nebraska use a more complex district-based allocation system that could result in their combined nine electoral votes being split between Trump and Biden.

Can electors go rogue?

Yes.

In 2016, seven of the 538 electors cast ballots for someone other than their state’s popular vote winner, an unusually high number.

Thirty-two states and the District of Columbia have

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The Electoral College and the 2020 U.S. presidential race

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By Jan Wolfe



a person sitting on a wooden cutting board: FILE PHOTO: North Carolina Electoral College representatives sign the Certificates of Vote in the State Capitol building in Raleigh, North Carolina


© Reuters/Jonathan Drake
FILE PHOTO: North Carolina Electoral College representatives sign the Certificates of Vote in the State Capitol building in Raleigh, North Carolina

(Reuters) – In the United States, the winner of a presidential election is determined not by a national vote but through a system called the Electoral College, which allots “electoral votes” to all 50 states and the District of Columbia based on their population.

Complicating things further, a web of laws and constitutional provisions kick in to resolve particularly close elections.

Here are some of the rules that could decide the Nov. 3 contest between President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden.

How does the Electoral College work?

There are 538 electoral votes, meaning 270 are needed to win the election. In 2016, President Donald Trump lost the national popular vote to Hillary Clinton but secured 304 electoral votes to her 227.

Technically, Americans cast votes for electors, not the candidates themselves. Electors are typically party loyalists who pledge to support the candidate who gets the most votes in their state. Each elector represents one vote in the Electoral College.

The Electoral College was a compromise between the nation’s founders, who fiercely debated whether the president should be picked by Congress or through a popular vote.

All but two states use a winner-take-all approach: The candidate that wins the most votes in that state gets all of its electoral votes. Maine and Nebraska use a more complex district-based allocation system that could result in their combined nine electoral votes being split between Trump and Biden.

Can electors go rogue?

Yes.

In 2016, seven of the 538 electors cast ballots for someone other than their state’s popular vote winner, an unusually high number.

Thirty-two states and the District of Columbia have

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College Football Week 5 takeaways, from the shifting playoff race to Georgia’s dominant defense

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Six years of the College Football Playoff have produced 24 playoff bids. Clemson, Alabama, Oklahoma and Ohio State have combined for 17 of them. This season, then, it was fair to assume once the Big Ten rejoined the fray and announced it would play later in the fall (Oct. 24) that these four teams would be your playoff front-runners.

With Oklahoma now standing at 1-2 and having lost back-to-back conference games for the first time since 2011-12, it’s also fair to say this list is down to three.

Between the Sooners’ implosion, a few other upsets and the announced return of the Pac-12 on Nov. 7, the CFP race has shifted quite a bit in just the past two weeks. Let’s look at which groups of teams are best poised to play for the title, even if our base assumption — Alabama, Clemson and Ohio State being untouchable — ends up proven true.

Potential Pac-12 champions

For obvious reasons, no conference’s CFP odds have improved more over the past couple of weeks than the Pac-12’s. Upsets have helped, but the biggest boost came from the conference simply announcing it would play in the fall. Funny how that improves one’s situation.

Wherever you stand on the “how many games should teams have to play to be considered for the CFP” debate, the mere existence of the debate suggests the Pac-12 could be dinged a bit by the fact that, barring cancellations, its champion will have played only seven games (six regular-season games, plus the conference title game). But it’s also fair to think an unbeaten conference champion will almost certainly get in. Which Pac-12 contenders have the best odds of getting to the finish line unscathed?

Pac-12 teams with best chance of going 6-0 in the regular season, per SP+:
USC

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Rajah Caruth wins first career Late Model race

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Rev Racing driver Rajah Caruth, 18, earned the first Late Model win of his career Saturday night at historic Greenville-Pickens Speedway in South Carolina.

Caruth piloted his No. 6 Sunoco Toyota into Victory Lane for the first time in what has become a rapidly ascending racing career. His Rev Racing teammates Gracie Trotter — who last week became the first female winner in ARCA Racing history — and Isabella Robusto finished fourth and sixth, respectively.

Growing up a NASCAR fan, Caruth developed into an excellent sim racer on iRacing. He’s a product of the eNASCAR Ignite Series — a grassroots youth racing platform that identifies drivers without access to traditional race tracks around the world.

Caruth was selected for the NASCAR Drive for Diversity Youth Driver Development Program in 2019, the first driver from a majority iRacing background to be picked for the program. He was impressive enough to be chosen as part of the 2020 NASCAR Drive for Diversity Program, which led to him competing in the NASCAR Advance Auto Parts Weekly Series this year.

Sunoco announced earlier this year it would expand its partnership with Rev Racing and become the full-time backer on Caruth’s car.

NASCAR Cup Series driver Bubba Wallace was among those to offer his congratulations.

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